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The article offers a synthetic overview of the main effects that the international economic crisis has had on immigrants in Italy. After a brief introductory explanation of the main characteristics of the Italian context of immigration, the authors concentrate on two main problems: the immigrants’ access to the labour market and to the housing system. The so-called “social vulnerability” of migrants was increased by the tensions related to the economic crisis. The growing problems that immigrants have been facing in the last three years are linked to the territorial distribution and to the mobility of the migrant communities on the national territory. The tendency to a progressive redistribution of the migratory destinations and to an increased mobility within and outside the Italian national borders are among the consequences of the socio-economic difficulties suffered by migrants. Finally, a few conclusive remarks suggest some policy recommendations.

4 For a recent comment on the last available data on immigration in Italy, see Ismu, 20. 5.

Other researches show greater numbers; for instance the research conducted jo6 In order to fully understand the impact of the foreign population on the economic and social performances of the Italian country, a few quantitative data will be useful to provide a general interpretative frame. According to the data released by Istat (Italian National Institute of Statistics) on September, 2011 – data referring to January 1, 2011 - the foreign residents in Italy were 4,570,317.

To this number, according to the estimated figures suggested by the Milan-based “Ismu – Initiatives and Studies on Multiculturalism” Foundation, one must add about 443.000 irregular presences. The number of foreign citizens living in the Italian territory thus reaches the number of five millions (that means the 8% of the total population – approximately 60 millions – living in the peninsula).

The geographical distribution among the main administrative partitions shows a higher density of immigrants in the Northern and Central regions (Table 1). 6 Following the most common trend in international atlases published in the Anglo-American context, wTable 1. 7 For further information see the website The data were updated to th. 8 Data source: Istat, elaborated in Ismu, 2011. On this topic, with similar conclusions, see also Fu9 According to the data produced in October 2010 by the Leone Moressa Foundation, the number of foreign unemployed workers in Italy grew of a percentage of nearly 70% starting from the early stages of the global economic crisis (September 2008), while the percentage of Italian workers grew at a lower, though still impressive, percentage of the 29.4% (2010). During the same period, foreign workers’ occupation nevertheless grew in raw numbers, with an increase of 10.2% (reaching the 8.6% of the total working people, while before the crisis this number was one point below, at 7.6%). As the researcher of the Venice-based Founda­tion summarize: “the economic crisis stroke on everyone, but on immigrants in particular”.

The recent data available in the chapter on the labour market by Laura Zanfrini in the last Ismu report (2011) show a general increase in the number of foreign workers (1.678.374 in the first trimester 2008, 1.945.135 in the first trimester 2009, 2.210.558 in the first trimester 2010, 2.503.458 in the first trimester 2011). From a quantitative point of view, the performance of the foreign immigrants is not particularly negative, especially if compared with the negative trend which characterizes the Italian workforce. From a qualitative point of view, though, the foreign workforce shows evident signs of “stress”, which can be at least partially linked to the economic crisis.

The foreign workforce tend to be concentrated in non-skilled jobs and in “stagnant” productive sectors that are mostly affected by the global crisis. Together with a persistent gap in the salaries (the foreign workforce tends to be paid less than the Italian equivalent), these aspects confirm the “vulnerability” of the foreign workforce, that still seems to be one of the “weak rings” of the national productive system. The internal composition of the foreign workforce shows, in fact, a small percentage of workers employed in the skilled and technical jobs (7.2% of the total foreign workforce compared to a 37.3% of the Italian workforce employed in this sector) and in the tertiary employment (16.4% compared to the 29.6%). The percentage are of course very different in the lowest classes of the “skill ladder”: 38.7% of the foreign workforce is employed as workmen and artisans (compared to a 25.4% of the Italian one), and 37.7 in jobs that are considered “non-skilled” (compared to a 7.7%). 9 On this topic there will also be an extensive documentation on the forthcoming report by the Fondaz10 There is a geographical distribution of this differentiation in the different sectors of employment, but it affects a sort of “internal shift” among different low skilled jobs on one side, and high-skilled jobs on the other.

If we group the four above mentioned categories used by Zanfrini (skilled and technical jobs, tertiary employment, workmen and artisans, non-skilled jobs) in couples, putting together in one group the first two categories and in a second group the last two ones, we obtain a coherent data in the three macro-regions: 24.5% of foreign workforce in Northern Italy work in the first group, 23.4% in central Italy, 21.5% in the South. That means that 75.5%, 76.6 and 78,5% work in low skilled jobs. Within this last group, though, we have a marked differentiation about the two different included categories: while in the North the workman are 44.5% of the total and non-skilled jobs are 31%, in the Center the percentages are respectively 35.5 and 41.2, and in the South 20.5 and 57.9. The “segregation” of workers in the low skilled jobs is thus more relevant in the Southern regions. The highest loss in the number of jobs, on the contrary, is registered mainly in the economically advanced areas, due to the fact that the recession strikes mostly on productive areas. 10 See the updated data on the periodical reports by Cescat – Centro Studi Assoedilizia, available on16 These few data already suggest the importance of the housing problem for the immigrants.

For the vast majority of this category, the possibility to buy a house is only a remote opportunity, even though the data collected by Sunia already showed for the year 2008 a general decrease of 7% on real estate prices from the previous year. As well-known, after that year the general economic situation worsened: the number of transactions in the real estate market for the first trimester of the year 2009 decreased by 15.8% in the province capitals (103 cities and towns across the country), while in the non-capital municipalities decreased of 19.8%. The general stagnation of the housing market in Italy, following the financial crisis of 2008, would be a potentially positive factor for immigrants who want to buy a house in Italy; but, since it is caused, and happens together with, a general economic crisis, the real opportunities to access a house remain limited for immigrants (Ismu, 2011). In this perspective, the growing economic and social instability of the immigrants in Italy is also related to a more and more difficult access to proper housing conditions. The explicit link that the Italian legislation on immigrants makes between the permit of stay in the country and a regular job obliges to privilege the search for a regular contract, that becomes a pre-requisite for everything else: “The tight link between the permit of stay, the job contract and the access to housing established by the current law, which subordinates the condition of the stay and the social rights to the occupational status, in a phase of acute economic crisis practically obliged immigrants to accept any working condition” (Perocco, Cillo, 2011, p. 13).

11 See for instance the note titled Istat, bilancio demografico 2009 in the Ismu Newsletter n. 23, rel17 The harsh competition for a permanent job has become a global one, since, as far as work is concerned, “people move” (World Bank, 2009). One of the potential scenarios associated to the global economic crisis is the possibility for migrants to go back to their own country of origin. Was the crisis the sparkle that lighted a new tendency to return: a movement on the same itinerary, but in the different direction? Specifically did the foreign immigrants started to leave Italy? As shown in the international reports (Oecd, 2009a and b; Iom, 2009; Hatton, William­son, 2009), return migration seems to be an undeniable reality, but not a mass choice.

During the year 2009, in Italy there was a noticeable increase (+19,4%) in the number of foreign people who withdrew from the municipal demographic records declaring that they were going abroad. The Istat and the Ismu researchers agree in stating that nearly all of these 32,000 foreigners who left Italy were immigrants returning to their own country of origin.

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The Report on Foreign Population produced by Istat (2010) literally states that “this number is presumably underestimated if compared to the real flows of people leaving the country”. The cancellations that have been made from the municipal registers because the foreign citizens could not be contacted, in fact, grew in 2009 of the 33,9%, reaching a number of 56,797. This data, the Report concludes, probably compensates the above mentioned underestimate. On the other hand, as Pasca (2010) states, it is very unlikely that the economic crisis will bring to a halt to immigration movements towards Italy.18 The Italian legislation on immigration closely relates the permit to reside in the country with the possession of a regular job contract. Many immigrants lost their job in the last years, and many of them had to move to other destinations both in Italy and abroad or to re-orient their professional activity. Among the factors that can encourage immigrants to stay in the country even if they lose the job there is the high level of illegal economy that characterizes the Italian productive system, and the fact that the permit of stay is related to job status (if one leaves the country, it is hard to re-enter). As the researchers of the Moressa Foundation put it: “The loss of the job risks to compromise the regular presence on the Italian territory, with subsequent social consequences.

Immigrants, since they are obliged to work in order to remain in Italy, are more dynamic in the job search, and in many cases they have to accept low skilled jobs” (our emphasis; see also Albisinni and Pintaldi, 2011). This “dynamicity” can also be interpreted as the availability to move to another place in Italy in order to have a job: the residential choice becomes a consequence of the job opportunities, and this can bring to an increase in the average residential mobility of the immigrants.

13 Ismu Newsletter 23, 2010;.27 The foreign population in Italy is still mainly concentrated in cities. The national average of foreign population in the province capitals is 8.7%, and in the big cities 9.4%, compared to the 7% of the total population. The percentage of foreign population living in province capitals is 36.4%, still higher than the one of the Italian population (28.7%) (Istat, 2010).

Foreign residents, though, started to move to smaller towns and villages, profiting from the dispersed structure of the productive system in Northern and Central Italy and from the lower rents available in small centers. This trend has been documented, for instance, in a key region for immigration, Lombardia. Nearly one fourth (23.2%) of the foreigners legally residing in Italy lives in this region, and one tenth just in the province of Milan.28 In the Italian context, the internal mobility of foreigners is relatively high. The record linkage system adopted by Conti et al. (2010) in their research (crossed analysis of the archive of the regularization papers in 2004 and of the archive of the renewed permits of stay in 2007) shows that 60% of the immigrants moved from one place to another.

The mobility of the foreign component adds up to the traditional mobility, especially between South and North, that, through ups and downs, has been a characteristic of the recent history of the country: “Internal mobility in Italy, after periods of both stagnation and of intense growth, and of different directions and actors showed a marked increase also thanks to the contribution of the foreigners residing in Italy” (Casacchia, Giorgi et al., 2010a, p. 1). The main metropolitan areas remain primary destinations for migrants, assuming the role of “gateways cities” (Price, Benton-Short, 2008), even though the internal mobility between the downtowns and the peripheral crown of municipalities within the larger metropolitan area shows a tendency to the decentralization of both the Italian and the foreign population (Casacchia, Giorgi et al., 2010b).

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At both the regional and the provincial level the tendency seems to be related also, even though with smaller numbers, to the dispersal of the foreign population from the bigger cities to the smaller towns (Istat, 2010). To summarize this tendency, the researchers of the Ismu foundation, speaking of the situation in Lombardia in a 2010 issue of their newsletter, stated: “Immigrants prefer small provinces. From the beginning of the decade to July 1st, 2009, the number of foreigners grew mainly in the “small” provinces or in the extreme North of the region: Lodi (+332%), Pavia (+314%), Mantova (+287%), Sondrio (272%) and Cremona (265%) (Ismu newsletter n.

23, November 10, 2010 ). Surely this phenomenon was characterizing the Italian context also before the start of the economic crisis, and can also be read as a general tendency to establish “roots” in the destination country (Ismu, 2009). 14 The estimated numbers were calculated by the scholars working at the Fondazione Moressa taking into30 As for the job market, the greatest possibilities for employment do remain in the Northern and Central regions. The projections for the year 2011 see a higher impact in the Northern regions (Emilia-Romagna and Piemonte will have a 19% of foreign workers among the esteemed total number of hirings – respectively of 12,470 and 17,590), than in the Southern regions (Puglia, Sicilia and Sardegna are all below the 9%, with totals of 3,550, 4,070, and 2,010) (Fondazione Moressa, 2011, p. 17).

Some other data: Lombardia will have 22,740 new hirings (the highest number in Italy), with a percentage of foreign workers of 18,3%; Veneto 13,480 with a 16,8%; Lazio 13,480 with 18,3% as well). NotesThe present article is the result of a research carried on in collaboration by the two authors within the 2008 Prin – Scientific Research Project of National Relevance entitled “ Migrations and cultural interaction processes.

Patterns of integrations and spatial organization in Italian local cases” (scientific coordinator Carlo Brusa) and funded by the Italian Ministery of Education. In particular, Carlo Brusa is the author of paragraphs 2, while Davide Papotti of paragraphs 1, 3, 4 and 5. A preliminary version of this paper was presented in Haifa at the International Geographical Union (Igu) “Globility” Commission (Chair: Armando Montanari) 2010 meeting “Human Mobility in the Time of a Global Economic Crisis”. The authors wish to thank the organizers and the participants for the useful feedbacks provided during the conference.

The authors also thank the three anonymous referees who provided useful critiques and suggestions for the improvement of the text.One of the “top ten symptoms of immigration” according to George Borjas (1999). For a historical overview of the relation between the Italian labor market and immigration, see Ambrosini, 2001 and Ambrosini, Berti, 2003.All the quotations from Italian essays, if not otherwise noted, are by the authors.For a recent comment on the last available data on immigration in Italy, see Ismu, 2011, and Caritas Migrantes, 2011. Other researches show greater numbers; for instance the research conducted jointly by Censis, Iprs and Ismu speak of 566,000 irregular immigrants ( Rapporto sui percorsi lavorativi - 2010) ( ). For a general research on the impact of the economic crisis on illegal migration in Europe see Frontex, 2009.Following the most common trend in international atlases published in the Anglo-American context, we decided to use the original Italian name of the regions, instead of the translated ones (i.e Toscana instead of Tuscany, Lombardia instead of Lombardy etc.).For further information see the website The data were updated to the first trimester of 2010, and derived from the Istat databases.Data source: Istat, elaborated in Ismu, 2011.

On this topic, with similar conclusions, see also Fullin, Reyneri, 2011. For a general overview of the working mobility of foreign immigrant within the Italian labour system, see Ismu-Censis-Irps, 2010. For an example of comparative analysis regarding Southern European countries, see Reyneri, 2010; Bonifazi, Rinesi, 2010.On this topic there will also be an extensive documentation on the forthcoming report by the Fondazione Moressa (2012), as documented in the preview available online:See the updated data on the periodical reports by Cescat – Centro Studi Assoedilizia, available onSee for instance the note titled Istat, bilancio demografico 2009 in the Ismu Newsletter n.

23, released on November 10, 2010;For a similar research on the territorial power of attraction of the Italian Regions for the immigrants, see the detailed analysis of the Italian socio-economic structure in Cnel, 2010.Ismu Newsletter 23, 2010;.The estimated numbers were calculated by the scholars working at the Fondazione Moressa taking into consideration data from Excelsior, Unioncamere, and the Ministry of Interior (Fondazione Moressa, 2011, p. 17).On the relations between international mobility and national mobility in Italy, see Pugliese, 2006. On Italian internal mobility see also Piras, Melis, 2007.

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